政企合谋、动员式治理与环境质量的阶段性改善——基于中央环保约谈的实证分析Local Government-firm Collusion, Mobilized Environmental Governance, and Temporary Improvements in Environmental Quality: The Case of Central Environmental Administrative Inquiries
张振波
摘要(Abstract):
动员式治理的有效性取决于自下而上的动员响应,尤其受制于地方官员所处政企关系的内在影响。本研究以中央环保约谈为例,运用双重和三重差分方法,评估了动员式治理的环保成效以及地方政企合谋对这一效应的边际影响。实证分析发现,中央环保约谈仅能在短期内改善区域环境质量,而地方主政官员的任期越短,或是自异地莅任而非本地晋升,则中央环保约谈的环境治理成效越优,即动员式治理受到地方政企合谋关系的阻滞影响。这表明,常规环保制度建设与非常规治理模式创新应整体推动、协同共治,而且要推动政府与企业间关系转型,挤压政企合谋的制度空间。
关键词(KeyWords): 区域环境治理;政企合谋;环保约谈;动员式治理;地方官员
基金项目(Foundation): 国家社会科学基金青年项目“区域环境治理中的地方政府间博弈及其规范研究”(项目批准号:21CZZ016);; 贵州省“研究阐释习近平总书记视察贵州重要讲话精神”重大专项课题“‘十四五’时期贵州实施乡村行动的重难点问题及对策研究”(项目批准号:21GZZB10)资助
作者(Author): 张振波
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- (1)当然,Stoerk(2016)研究发现2013年以后中国空气质量监测数据已有大幅改善,基层政府的环保数据操控行为得到一定遏制。
- (2)例如,山西临汾、河北邯郸及山东临沂等市官员被中央环保部门约谈后,纷纷表示“压力很大”“强烈震动”。在约谈制造的巨大政治与舆论双重压力之下,地方“一把手”无不如履薄冰(张蕾,2016)。
- (1)例如,2015年7月,临沂市市长被约谈后,旋即采取了被媒体谓为“休克式疗法”的强力治霾措施,引发各界褒贬对立的激烈争议(吕明合,2015)。
- (2)例如,2016年时任最高检渎职侵权检察厅副厅长的李忠诚就曾直言不讳:“现实中确实还存在少数环保部门工作人员与企业相勾结,徇私舞弊,充当环境污染企业‘保护伞’的问题”(https://www. spp.gov. cn/zdgz/201506/t20150617_99559. shtml),而湖南临澧、甘肃徽县、湖南临湘等都曾因对污染企业“挂牌保护”而造成严重环境污染。
- (1)以2个月作为动态效应检验的基本单位,是基于对检验结果进行表格列示和图形展示时之简洁性和直观性的考虑;另外,我们还以1个月和3个月作为时间单位分别进行检验,其结果并无明显区别。
- (1)事件研究法最早用于分析特定事件发生前后公司层面变量的短期变动情况,其后被一般化为一种统计检验方法得到广泛运用,并愈发成为政策冲击分析中平行趋势假设检验的标准选择(Tanaka,2015)。
- (1)如图1(左)所示,环保约谈实施后,对照组城市的空气质量也会短暂、明显地改善。当然,正如匿名审稿人所指出,“震慑效应”之存在仍需严谨的模型检验,而这也将成为颇具实践意义的研究方向。
- (2)在38个样本城市中,中央环保约谈发生在上、下半年的各有20个和18个城市,这一平衡分布避免了中国空气污染周期性波动(如冬季空气污染更甚)的内生影响,从而也为该结论提供了稳健性支撑。
- (1)变量EAI×Postm4回归系数的Chow检验结果(F=4. 60,p<0. 01)表明,两个时间段上该项变量系数存在显著性差异。
- (1)根据Chow检验结果,两个子样本中该项回归系数在1%的显著性水平上存在显著差异。下同。